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Several national security experts have contacted me in the last two weeks to tell me: there's over 350 camps in Ireland where foreign military-age men are being housed.

And there are thousands of foreign-born military-age men intimidating the Irish people openly as well. Elderly Irish women on country roads are suddenly being confronted by masked men who can barely speak English.

Ireland is about to fall.

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Due to pressure from outside groups, the Department of Justice has done a crucial deal with General Hugo Carvajal, the former head of Venezuela’s Military Intelligence, so that he is available to testify for investigations of election fraud and espionage in upcoming trials.

Remember: the DOJ was about to put this key witness on trial next week on a decade-old drug trafficking charge. That would have been a disaster for election integrity efforts.

Here’s the press release.

This stunning reversal is due to Gary Berntsen, a retired CIA Senior Operations Officer and former Chief of Station — who has uncovered critical information about the 2020 election fraud.

Here’s the open letter that Gary Berntsen sent to President Trump a few days ago:

“I’m reaching out because we need your leadership to address an urgent matter to protect our nation’s security. The DOJ is about to lose critical testimony from a witness willing to cooperate in investigations of election fraud, espionage, and Tren de Aragua. Instead of seeking this testimony and a trove of supporting documents, the DOJ is putting this witness on trial next week on a decade-old drug trafficking charge.

In 2021, General Hugo Carvajal, the former head of Venezuela’s Military Intelligence under Hugo Chavez, was arrested in Spain. He was extradited to the U.S. in July 2023. Carvajal has been in federal custody in New York for two years. As Chavez’s trusted confidant, Carvajal has unparalleled knowledge of Venezuela’s primary role in U.S. and global election fraud, the creation and spread of Tren de Aragua into the U.S. and beyond, and operations involving Cuban, Russian, Chinese, and Iranian intelligence services against our country.

Carvajal’s first-hand testimony is key to prosecuting the conspirators involved in stealing the 2020 election. Carvajal also knows which U.S. citizens have been compromised by the Venezuelan regime. That knowledge alone puts him in danger even inside the United States. Although he is no angel, his cooperation will start a cascade of other witnesses willing to cooperate as the international conspiracy finally falls apart. His knowledge of the commingled networks of espionage agents from America’s enemies is key to preventing more damage from espionage and sabotage.

Here’s the immediate concern: the DOJ’s Southern District of New York, and Principal Associate Attorney General Emil Bove, plan to focus solely on prosecuting Carvajal for a 2011 drug trafficking charge. They see him as a common drug trafficking suspect and are ignoring his knowledge of the 2020 election fraud — and of hostile intelligence activities against the United States.

There are indications that the Venezuelan regime currently is assisting Iranian intelligence agents preparing to strike inside the U.S. imminently. Carvajal’s knowledge of the people and methods used are still relevant and may be critical to preventing attacks.

Once convicted of drug trafficking in next week’s trial, Carvajal will have little or no reason to share his direct and extensive knowledge of how the election manipulation conspiracy works, or about Tren de Aragua and espionage — issues far more critical to our national security.

The drug trafficking trial is set to begin in about a week, so I respectfully ask for your intervention to force SDNY to seek to delay the trial long enough to explore the value of this critical witness. Moreover, to protect him from potential threats by the Venezuelan regime or the cartels, I suggest the Attorney General consider transferring Carvajal to a secure military facility, such as Marine Corps Base Quantico, where he can be debriefed safely.

Your leadership could make all the difference in safeguarding our nation and uncovering the truth. Thank you for considering this request. May God continue to bless and protect you, Mr. President, and may God bless America.”

With respect and gratitude,

Gary Berntsen

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June 26th, 2025: Dr. Mary Bowden joins me to discuss the state of MAHA and medical freedom with all the new changes that Robert F. Kennedy Jr. is making to ACIP — the government’s “vaccine” board — including the addition of Dr. Robert Malone.

Plus: we discuss Calley Means and the dangers of “wearable” technology.

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“Emerald Robinson is one of the most fearless and accurate reporters in America today.” — Gateway Pundit

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“The best journalist in America, I think.” — Patrick Byrne

“There are a handful of heroes and heroines right now in history — and Emerald Robinson is one of them.” — Dr. Naomi Wolf

“Emerald is truly one of the great conservative writers of our times. As funny as Mark Twain and as astute as Steve Bannon.” — Viktor K.

“Some journalists write with pens, she writes with knives.” — Vicchus

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“When all is said and done, Emerald is going to be hailed as this century's Edward R. Murrow.” — Don Reed

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Editor’s Note: Norman Dodd was the director of research of the House Special Committee to Investigate Tax-Exempt Foundations in 1954. He produced a report for that committee — and hearings were held in Congress regarding a group of “little known persons” who had “established tight control” over education and research. Mr. Dodd focused on the radical changes in social philosophy and politics in America between 1933 - 1936 and he discovered that many of the changes were the result of a plot by socialists and communists who were supported by some of the great philanthropic foundations like the Rockefeller Foundation and the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

The following short interview with Norman Dodd took place in 1980 — a few years before his death — and was preserved by tape recording.

The Interviewer: “Now did you or any member of your staff ever have the opportunity of going through the records of any of the great foundations?”

Norman Dodd: "We had one remarkable instance of that kind by, again, by invitation. This invitation came from the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, and was in response to a letter which I had written to the Endowment asking certain questions, seeking certain information. And this invitation was issued to me over the telephone to come to their office in New York when I was next there. This I did. And on arrival I found myself in the presence of Dr. Joseph Johnson, the president, two vice presidents, and their own counsel, a partner of Sells & Cromwell. And after amenities, Dr. Johnson said, ‘Mr Dodd, we received your letter, and we can answer all these questions but that it would be a great deal of trouble because with the approval of, by the Senate, ratification of the United Nations treaty, we felt our job was done. So we took all our records, from the beginning of this endowment, up to 1945, and sent them to the warehouse, and then we concentrated on just using our funds to build this new building across the street from the United Nations, which would provide the various organizations that would follow the United Nations activities with a place to meet.’”

“But,” he said, “we have a counter suggestion, and that is, Mr. Dodd, if you can spare a member of your staff for two weeks and send them to New York, we will provide that member with a room in the library, our library. And the minute books of this endowment, since its inception. And we think whatever you want to find out you can find out through that source.”

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Now that a ceasefire is holding between Iran and Israel after President Trump dropped the proverbial “F-bomb” on national television when discussing the situation, it’s time to examine the much more important battle that is still raging America’s top conservative pundits and influencers.

But first, let’s consider Israel’s not-so-secret weapon: Fox News.

Did the Ayatollah know that Rupert Murdoch had unleashed the combined might of Ainsley Earhardt, Steve Doocy, and Brian Kilmeade on his regime?

Every day for two weeks, the cast of “Fox & Friends” was ready to drop the Big One on Tehran it seemed.

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Dear Mr. President:

My name is Gary Berntsen, a retired CIA Senior Operations Officer and former Chief of Station. I’ve had the privilege of leading a dedicated team of whistleblowers who have uncovered critical information about the 2020 election fraud, which we’ve shared with the Department of Justice (DOJ) and the Office of the Director of National Intelligence (ODNI). Additionally, I provided the first reports on the dangerous Tren de Aragua gang to U.S. law enforcement and have contributed to some of the largest money laundering investigations ever submitted to the U.S. government.

A key component of proof of the 2020 election theft is about to be squandered.

I’m reaching out because we need your leadership to address an urgent matter to protect our nation’s security. The DOJ is about to lose critical testimony from a witness willing to cooperate in investigations of election fraud, espionage, and Tren de Aragua. Instead of seeking this testimony and a trove of supporting documents, the DOJ is putting this witness on trial next week on a decade-old drug trafficking charge.

In 2021, General Hugo Carvajal, the former head of Venezuela’s Military Intelligence under Hugo Chavez, was arrested in Spain. He was extradited to the U.S. in July 2023. Carvajal has been in federal custody in New York for two years. As Chavez’s trusted confidant, Carvajal has unparalleled knowledge of Venezuela’s primary role in U.S. and global election fraud, the creation and spread of Tren de Aragua into the U.S. and beyond, and operations involving Cuban, Russian, Chinese, and Iranian intelligence services against our country.

Carvajal’s first-hand testimony is key to prosecuting the conspirators involved in stealing the 2020 election. Carvajal also knows which U.S. citizens have been compromised by the Venezuelan regime. That knowledge alone puts him in danger even inside the United States. Although he is no angel, his cooperation will start a cascade of other witnesses willing to cooperate as the international conspiracy finally falls apart. His knowledge of the commingled networks of espionage agents from America’s enemies is key to preventing more damage from espionage and sabotage.

Here’s the immediate concern: the DOJ’s Southern District of New York, and Principal Associate Attorney General Emil Bove, plan to focus solely on prosecuting Carvajal for a 2011 drug trafficking charge. They see him as a common drug trafficking suspect and are ignoring his knowledge of the 2020 election fraud — and of hostile intelligence activities against the United States.

There are indications that the Venezuelan regime currently is assisting Iranian intelligence agents preparing to strike inside the U.S. imminently. Carvajal’s knowledge of the people and methods used are still relevant and may be critical to preventing attacks.

Once convicted of drug trafficking in next week’s trial, Carvajal will have little or no reason to share his direct and extensive knowledge of how the election manipulation conspiracy works, or about Tren de Aragua and espionage — issues far more critical to our national security.

The drug trafficking trial is set to begin in about a week, so I respectfully ask for your intervention to force SDNY to seek to delay the trial long enough to explore the value of this critical witness. Moreover, to protect him from potential threats by the Venezuelan regime or the cartels, I suggest the Attorney General consider transferring Carvajal to a secure military facility, such as Marine Corps Base Quantico, where he can be debriefed safely.

Your leadership could make all the difference in safeguarding our nation and uncovering the truth. Thank you for considering this request. May God continue to bless and protect you, Mr. President, and may God bless America.

With respect and gratitude,

Gary Berntsen

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“Some journalists write with pens, she writes with knives.” — Vicchus

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The Sheriff of Barry County, Michigan — Dar Leaf — has released a bombshell letter that he’s sent to DHS Secretary Kristi Noem as well as Border Czar Tom Homan about America’s corrupt voting machines.

Leaf’s letter alleges that Dominion Senior Systems Manager, Ronald Morales “made changes to election systems which allowed remote access to U.S. election systems by foreign actors before, during and after the 2020 election.”

The letter also alleges that Morales traveled “numerous times” to China and Serbia prior to the 2020 election and that Morales “created the ability for foreign actors to access live the ballot images through a listener and VPN.”

Finally, Sheriff Leaf also alleges that Dominion CEO John Poulos has committed perjury before State and Federal government “by falsely stating that Venezuela and China had nothing to do with Dominion or Smartmatic Voting Systems.”

The Dominion Voting CEO’s testimony to the Michigan Legislature is very interesting — in light of Sheriff Dar Leaf’s recent letter.

Author’s note: start at minute 14:22 of the video for Poulos on Venezuela/Philippines.

So who is Ronald Morales?

According to Peter Bernegger’s source, a man named Bob DeMaria: “Morales began his career in elections when he joined Smartmatic in 2004 where he [managed] the EMS Quality Assurance process for elections in Venezuela. After the acquisition of Sequoia by Smartmatic, he was responsible for the integration of Smartmatic’s newly-developed equipment with Sequoia’s EMS and for the EAC certification of the integrated solution.”

Morales is also a guy who doesn’t like his picture to be available to the public.

The sheriff’s letter is a bombshell development when you consider the fact that Dominion, and some of its employees, are engaged in multiple lawsuits for alleged “defamation” against several American news organizations and dozens of private citizens right now in various state courts.

One thing’s for sure: the war against the voting machines is getting hotter this year.

Support The Last Fearless Journalist!

“Emerald Robinson is one of the most fearless and accurate reporters in America today.” — Gateway Pundit

“She’s got balls made of titanium.” — Steve Bannon

“The best journalist in America, I think.” — Patrick Byrne

“There are a handful of heroes and heroines right now in history — and Emerald Robinson is one of them.” — Dr. Naomi Wolf

“Emerald is truly one of the great conservative writers of our times. As funny as Mark Twain and as astute as Steve Bannon.” — Viktor K.

“Some journalists write with pens, she writes with knives.” — Vicchus

“You are the female version of Tucker Carlson. You have been prescient about so many things it's almost scary.” — F. Lawrence Coleman

“You and Glenn Greenwald are the best in terms of current journalism. You and Lara Logan in terms of fearlessness!” — Mac T.

“When all is said and done, Emerald is going to be hailed as this century's Edward R. Murrow.” — Don Reed

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The international terrorist Ilich Ramírez Sánchez — known around the world by his nom de guerre Carlos the Jackal — was an early activist for the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP). In 1975, he even raided OPEC headquarters in Vienna. He’s also one of the chief theorists on how the free nations of the West could finally be conquered. A Soviet-trained Marxist revolutionary, Carlos the Jackal wrote in his book, L’islam revolutionnaire (Revolutionary Islam) that: “Only a coalition of Marxists and Islamists can destroy the United States.”

In other words, he was one of the earliest proponents for what’s called “the Red-Green Axis” — and its most important mission was to bring down America.

What does this enemy look like in the real world? Just look at Los Angeles.

California government officials — who are supposedly American — are raising flags for Palestine and Mexico! At this event, they even played the Palestine national anthem.

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Editor’s Note: Samuel Adams delivered the following speech at the State House in Philadelphia on August 1st, 1776 to large audience of his fellow countrymen. No man did more to start the American Revolution against Great Britain — which is why Samuel Adams is often called its “father” and why Thomas Jefferson described him as “the patriarch of liberty.” He founded a group called the Sons of Liberty in 1775 — which became a well-organized paramilitary political organization shrouded in secrecy that “was established to undermine British rule in colonial America and was influential in organizing and carrying out the Boston Tea Party.” (The Green Dragon Tavern in Boston was their favorite meeting-place.) As the revolution against British rule started, separate chapters of the organization formed through all the Thirteen Colonies. Their banner was a striped flag, and their motto was “no taxation without representation.”

No man had once a greater veneration for Englishmen than I entertained. They were dear to me as branches of the same parental trunk, and partakers of the same religion and laws; I still view with respect the remains of the Constitution as I would a lifeless body which had once been animated by a great and heroic soul. But when I am aroused by the din of arms; when I behold legions of foreign assassins paid by Englishmen to imbrue their hands in our blood; when I tread over the uncoffined bodies of my countrymen, neighbors, and friends; when I see the locks of a venerable father torn by savage hands, and a feeble mother, clasping her infants to her bosom, and on her knees imploring their lives from her own slaves, whom Englishmen have allured to treachery and murder; when I behold my country, once the seat of industry, peace, and plenty, changed by Englishmen to a theater of blood and misery, Heaven forgive me if I can not root out those passions which it has implanted in my bosom, and detest submission to a people who have either ceased to be human, or have not virtue enough to feel their own wretchedness and servitude!

Photo: A handbill for an upcoming meeting of the Sons of Liberty in 1775.

Men who content themselves with the semblance of truth, and a display of words talk much of our obligations to Great Britain for protection. Had she a single eye to our advantage? A nation of shopkeepers are very seldom so interested. Let us not be so amused with words! the extension of her commerce was her object. When she defended our coasts, she fought for her customers, and convoyed our ships loaded with wealth, which we had acquired for her by our industry. She has treated us as beasts of burden, whom the lordly masters cherish that they may carry a greater load. Let us inquire also against whom she has protected us? Against her own enemies with whom we had no quarrel, or only on her account, and against whom we always readily exerted our wealth and strength when they were required. Were these Colonies backward in giving assistance to Great Britain, when they were called upon in 1739 to aid the expedition against Cartagena? They at that time sent three thousand men to join the British army, although the war commenced without their consent.

But the last war, ’tis said, was purely American. This is a vulgar error, which, like many others, has gained credit by being confidently repeated. The dispute between the courts of Great Britain and France related to the limits of Canada and Nova Scotia. The controverted territory was not claimed by any in the Colonies, but by the crown of Great Britain. It was therefore their own quarrel. The infringement of a right which England had, by the treaty of Utrecht, of trading in the Indian country of Ohio, was another cause of the war. The French seized large quantities of British manufactures and took possession of a fort which a company of British merchants and factors had erected for the security of their commerce. The war was therefore waged in defense of lands claimed by the Crown, and for the protection of British property. The French at that time had no quarrel with America, and, as appears by letters sent from their commander-in-chief to some of the Colonies, wished to remain in peace with us.

The part, therefore, which we then took, and the miseries to which we exposed ourselves ought to be charged to our affection to Britain. These Colonies granted more than their proportion to the support of the war. They raised, clothed, and maintained nearly twenty-five thousand men, and so sensible were the people of England of our great exertions that a message was annually sent to the House of Commons purporting “that his majesty, being highly satisfied with the zeal and vigor with which his faithful subjects in North America had exerted themselves in defense of his majesty’s just rights and possessions, recommends it to the House to take the same into consideration and enable him to give them a proper compensation.”

Photo: A 1772 portrait of Samuel Adams by John Singleton Cople.

But what purpose can arguments of this kind answer? Did the protection we received annul our rights as men, and lay us under an obligation of being miserable?

Who among you, my countrymen, that is a father, would claim authority to make your child a slave because you had nourished him in infancy?

’Tis a strange species of generosity which requires a return infinitely more valuable than anything it could have bestowed; that demands as a reward for a defense of our property a surrender of those inestimable privileges to the arbitrary will of vindictive tyrants, which alone give value to that very property.

Courage, then, my countrymen; our contest is not only whether we ourselves shall be free, but whether there shall be left to mankind an asylum on earth for civil and religious liberty. Dismissing, therefore, the justice of our cause as incontestable, the only question is, What is best for us to pursue in our present circumstances?

The doctrine of dependence on Great Britain is, I believe, generally exploded; but as I would attend to the honest weakness of the simplest of men, you will pardon me if I offer a few words on that subject.

We are now on this continent, to the astonishment of the world, three millions of souls united in one cause. We have large armies, well disciplined and appointed, with commanders inferior to none in military skill, and superior in activity and zeal. We are furnished with arsenals and stores beyond our most sanguine expectations, and foreign nations are waiting to crown our success by their alliances. There are instances of, I would say, an almost astonishing providence in our favor; our success has staggered our enemies, and almost given faith to infidels; so we may truly say it is not our own arm which has saved us.

The hand of Heaven appears to have led us on to be, perhaps, humble instruments and means in the great providential dispensation which is completing. We have fled from the political Sodom; let us not look back lest we perish and become a monument of infamy and derision to the world. For can we ever expect more unanimity and a better preparation for defense; more infatuation of counsel among our enemies, and more valor and zeal among ourselves? The same force and resistance which are sufficient to procure us our liberties will secure us a glorious independence and support us in the dignity of free imperial States. We can not suppose that our opposition has made a corrupt and dissipated nation more friendly to America, or created in them a greater respect for the rights of mankind. We can therefore expect a restoration and establishment of our privileges, and a compensation for the injuries we have received from their want of power, from their fears, and not from their virtues. The unanimity and valor which will effect an honorable peace can render a future contest for our liberties unnecessary. He who has strength to chain down the wolf is a madman if he let him loose without drawing his teeth and paring his nails.

From the day on which an accommodation takes place between England and America, on any other terms than as independent States, I shall date the ruin of this country. a politic minister will study to lull us into security by granting us the full extent of our petitions. The warm sunshine of influence would melt down the virtue which the violence of the storm rendered more firm and unyielding. In a state of tranquillity, wealth, and luxury, our descendants would forget the arts of war and the noble activity and zeal which made their ancestors invincible. Every art of corruption would be employed to loosen the bond of union which renders our resistance formidable. When the spirit of liberty, which now animates our hearts and gives success to our arms, is extinct, our numbers will accelerate our ruin and render us easier victims to tyranny. Ye abandoned minions of an infatuated ministry, if peradventure any should yet remain among us, remember that a Warren and Montgomery are numbered among the dead. Contemplate the mangled bodies of your countrymen, and then say, What should be the reward of such sacrifices? Bid us and our posterity bow the knee, supplicate the friendship, and plow, and sow, and reap, to glut the avarice of the men who have let loose on us the dogs of war to riot in our blood and hunt us from the face of the earth? If ye love wealth better than liberty, the tranquillity of servitude than the animating contest of freedom—go from us in peace. We ask not your counsels or arms. Crouch down and lick the hands which feed you. May your chains sit lightly upon you, and may posterity forget that ye were our countrymen!

To unite the supremacy of Great Britain and the liberty of America is utterly impossible. So vast a continent and of such a distance from the seat of empire will every day grow more unmanageable. The motion of so unwieldy a body can not be directed with any dispatch and uniformity without committing to the Parliament of Great Britain powers inconsistent with our freedom. The authority and force which would be absolutely necessary for the preservation of the peace and good order of this continent would put all our valuable rights within the reach of that nation.

As the administration of government requires firmer and more numerous supports in proportion to its extent, the burdens imposed on us would be excessive, and we should have the melancholy prospect of their increasing on our posterity. The scale of officers, from the rapacious and needy commissioner to the haughty governor, and from the governor, with his hungry train, to perhaps a licentious and prodigal viceroy, must be upheld by you and your children. The fleets and armies which will be employed to silence your murmurs and complaints must be supported by the fruits of your industry.

Britain is now, I will suppose, the seat of liberty and virtue, and its legislature consists of a body of able and independent men who govern with wisdom and justice. The time may come when all will be reversed; when its excellent constitution of government will be subverted; when, pressed by debts and taxes, it will be greedy to draw to itself an increase of revenue from every distant province in order to ease its own burdens; when the influence of the crown, strengthened by luxury and a universal profligacy of manners, will have tainted every heart, broken down every fence of liberty and rendered us a nation of tame and contented vassals; when a general election will be nothing but a general auction of boroughs, and when the Parliament, the grand council of the nation, and once the faithful guardian of the State, and a terror to evil ministers, will be degenerated into a body of sycophants, dependent and venal, always ready to confirm any measures, and little more than a public court for registering royal edicts.

Such, it is possible, may some time or other be the state of Great Britain. What will, at that period, be the duty of the Colonies? Will they be still bound to unconditional submission? Must they always continue an appendage to our government and follow it implicitly through every change that can happen to it? Wretched condition, indeed, of millions of freemen as good as ourselves! Will you say that we now govern equitably, and that there is no danger of such revolution? Would to God that this were true! But you will not always say the same. Who shall judge whether we govern equitably or not? Can you give the Colonies any security that such a period will never come? No. The period, countrymen, is already come! The calamities were at our door. The rod of oppression was raised over us. We were roused from our slumbers, and may we never sink into repose until we can convey a clear and undisputed inheritance to our posterity! This day we are called upon to g

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Editor’s Note: On March 23, 1775, Patrick Henry delivered the most famous speech of the American Revolution at the Second Virginia Convention — which was held at St. John’s Church in Richmond. Henry gave the speech as the elected delegate of Hanover County but, when he finished, he was immortal. The practical effect of his words on his peers that day was profound: a resolution that committed Virginia troops to the Revolutionary War was passed. The poetic effect on his peers was even greater. In the audience that day was George Washington and Thomas Jefferson and George Mason — and they all sat in silence for several minutes after Henry's speech was done. One listener was so moved by Henry’s words that he directed his heirs to bury him in the church after his death — and his wish was granted.

Patrick Henry was later named as the chairman of the committee assigned to build a free militia for Virginia. When British sailors removed the gunpowder from the Williamsburg stockpile a month after his speech, Henry led his militia there and forced the return of the gunpowder back to the colony. Patrick Henry was named the first governor of the independent state of Virginia in July 1776.

No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The question before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.

Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.

Photo: St. John’s Church in Richmond where Patrick Henry delivered the speech.

I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House. Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort.

I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne! In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free —if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending — if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained —we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left us!

They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. The millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable — and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.

It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace — but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!

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