Remember January 20, 2017? President Trump claimed that he had the largest audience in history for a presidential inauguration. While many in the media claimed the crowd was sparse, evidence of the actual crowd size indicates it was more substantial than Trump’s detractors claimed, but nowhere near Trump’s hype. The then-new president reportedly called the National Park Service to get them to provide evidence to back his version, but the NPS didn’t play ball.

I bring this up to remind you that what the media shows us, and what the president shows us, does not represent the reality of things. (For additional confirmation, I was present at the inauguration, and the weather, protests, and other factors did affect crowd size, but the ones who were there showed lots of enthusiasm.)

The reality of this election points to a Biden landslide. There’s no escaping the poll numbers. But we’re also seeing massive turnout for Trump rallies in the last days before the election. We’re seeing evidence of Trump momentum, but we’re also seeing unheard-of numbers of early votes–more ballots and in-person early votes received this year than all votes cast in 2020.

Every bit of polling evidence leads to this conclusion: Without an enormous flood of Trump voters on Election Day–breaking every record of turnout for the last 100 years-it’s likely we’ll know with a fair degree of confidence that the election is going to Biden before the end of the night Tuesday.

But what if it doesn’t?

David French wrote this week, the polls are so decisive, that if Trump wins he “will call for a complete and total shutdown of the polling industry until we can figure out what’s going on.”

This election has always been a referendum about President Trump’s leadership. During the last four years, we’ve not experienced any new wars, any giant pressure on the president to act as a leader, but really just a gentle sea with easy winds blowing into the full sails of our economy. All Trump had to do was stay out of the way, and aside from tariffs and bombast, he generally did.

Then coronavirus struck, and we wish Trump had stayed out of the way, but he didn’t. People are on the whole unimpressed and unhappy with Trump’s leadership on the pandemic, which wiped out every economic gain the nation won during Trump’s first three years.

In reality, Trump did what most presidents would have done, but it isn’t what he did, it’s what he said, and the public show he put on doing it that really sunk him. I think the reality speaks for itself here.

The question is, are there enough voters who would lie to pollsters, or simply refuse to speak to them, while also going out and voting for Trump, in states Trump won in 2016, but trails in 2020. If there are, and the pollsters (the reputable ones) simply failed to find them, then our entire political polling system is irreparably broken.

I use the work “irreparably” meaning that the polling system would need to be completely examined and rebuilt from the ground up. A Trump victory would mean that statistical models, sampling techniques, telephone polling questions, and extrapolation math would require a complete overhaul, to literally be remade from scratch.

Therefore, this election has become a referendum on political polling. A Trump victory would also prove that the election–and his presidency–is exactly what he has claimed for four years. Trump characterizes his presidency as a battle between voiceless, ignored Americans, with him as their avatar, and a media-tech-corporate power structure so entrenched and powerful that they can warp reality at their whim.

The media, corporate America, and heck, the government itself, has shown us one view of Trump’s presidency, as an uninformed, and unteachable incompetent trying to thumblessly hold the reins of government, while drawing all attention, profit, and fame to himself. They have shown us opinions of Trump associated, former cabinet officials, and “Anonymous” staffers presented as “senior officials” trying to contain Trump’s Trumpiness. They have shown us polls, protests, and mockery.

After four years of “the walls are closing in,” and “the beginning of the end,” either we’re at the walls, or the end of the end, or everything we’ve been shown is completely and utterly wrong.

Then again, Trump has shown us some good things: his public commitment to Israel, and to pro-life organizations (no American president ever spoke in person at the March for Life until Trump). But most of the daily walk through his presidency has been trolling, trolling, and more trolling. He tweeted and said things, I believe, just to bait his opponents and the media into conversations they never thought they’d have.

Trump has warped reality to such a degree and so many times that we literally cannot tease the truth out of the web of lies and distortions.

Tuesday should be a window to clarity. We should see the polls reflected in the results, and therefore Trump should lose, and lose big. We know we can’t trust the media and the president to give us a true view of reality.

If we can’t trust the polls, and we can’t trust the media, and we can’t trust the president, who is left to trust? Nobody.

At least we can rebuild the polls.

Follow Steve on Twitter @stevengberman.

The First TV contributor network is a place for vibrant thought and ideas. Opinions expressed here do not necessarily reflect those of The First or The First TV. We want to foster dialogue, create conversation, and debate ideas. See something you like or don’t like? Reach out to the author or to us at ideas@thefirsttv.com. 

“I think Trump is gonna win. I think it’s gonna be a beautiful, big night for Trump,” author Brandon Weichert told Jesse Kelly on Thursday night. He added that despite the media bias against him, “he’s just outwitting them.”

Jesse asked for his thoughts on a potential Biden win but Weichert pushed back saying, “During the summer I was a little worried… but in the last month and a half, Trump has just gone gangbusters with his campaign.”

“Trump is reopening the economy, Americans are having their jobs and livelihoods saved because of Trump and it’s the Democrats and Biden who are trying to stop that from happening,” he added.

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What if neither Donald Trump nor Joe Biden reach the 270 Electoral College votes needed to win the presidential election? It’s only happened three times in American history but it may be more likely than you think.

The U.S. House of Representatives would vote to break the tie but not so fast Democrats, the Republicans may actually have the advantage.

“If it’s a 269-269 tie… they vote by state delegation.”

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There are “three elements” to the Biden hard drive scandal, former NYPD Commissioner Bernard Kerik told Dana Loesch on Thursday. Kerik, who personally went through Hunter Biden’s hard drive, spared no detail in the bombshell interview.

He explained that there are three elements to the disturbing content including “child endangerment” and predicted a “20-30 count indictment” for SEC violations.

Last and perhaps most alarming, Kerik said he can see a RICO case to be made against “Jim Biden, Hunter Biden, Joe Biden & co-conspirators.”

You’ve got to see this interview.

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The Democrats are devoted to the continuation of lockdowns, Buck Sexton said on Thursday. They have created “an atmosphere of fear” and “an irrational intolerance for any risk whatsoever,” he added.

Buck simplified the current pandemic situation and echoed the argument being made by President Trump and Press Secretary Kayleigh McEnany.

He played the audio of the president warning recent rally-goers, “If you vote for Biden it means no kids in school, no graduations, no weddings, no Thanksgiving, no Christmas, and no Fourth of July together. Other than that, you’ll have a wonderful life.”

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What happens if Joe Biden and the Democrats win the election on Tuesday? A lot, Bill O’Reilly revealed on Thursday including tax hikes, court-packing, amnesty, rampant crime, anti-Trump retribution, and more.

The first six months to two years will be “bad,” he explained. But if President Trump wins, things will more or less stay the same.

“When you’re talking to your family & friends… say ‘Look, there’s gonna be a big, big change that you’re not gonna like. With Trump, not so much.'”

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The election isn’t over yet, but polls are trending towards Joe Biden. That leaves many Americans wondering what to expect from a Biden Administration. This is particularly true because this has not been a campaign based on many policies other than responses to the pandemic. This election, from its very beginning, has been a referendum on Donald Trump.

This morning I was a guest on my friend and co-writer, Steve Berman’s podcast (I’ll link the episode when it goes live but for now you can find the podcast here) where we discussed the possibility of a Biden presidency. As I prepared for the discussion, I considered what a Biden Administration might mean for the country.

Two of the biggest concerns relate to Democratic threats of retaliation for the confirmation of Amy Coney Barrett. Many Democrats want to expand the Supreme Court to give President Biden enough appointments to reestablish partisan parity. A second threat involved granting statehood to Puerto Rico. Both courses of action would require further chipping away at the filibuster, if not killing it outright.

Ultimately, whether these threats are possible depends on the outcome of the 12 battleground Senate races that I like to call the “Dirty Dozen.” The most recent polling shows that control of the Senate for the next Congress is a tossup. If Republicans retain control of the Senate, or even if the balance of the Senate is tie requiring the vice president to cast deciding votes, much of the Democratic agenda will be dead on arrival.

Even a small Democratic majority presents problems for controversial moves. If Democrats push forward on unpopular policies, they will risk losing seats in swing districts in 2022. Democrats in red states and districts would be very hesitant to vote for overwhelmingly unpopular bills. Some Democrats won’t remember the 2010 Tea Party wave election which led to a Republican Congress that stymied the next six years of the Obama Administration, but I’ll bet Nancy Pelosi has not forgotten that Obama’s overreach cost her the speakership.  

The quickest way to turn a majority into a minority is to push forward with programs that a majority of voters oppose. Barack Obama learned this hard lesson in 2010 and 2014. Donald Trump and the Republicans are learning it right now.

Packing the court would likely be just such an unpopular move. Several polls taken over the past few months show that at least a plurality of voters opposes the move. A New York Times poll from earlier in October found that public opinion ran almost two-to-one against expanding the Supreme Court.

Statehood for Puerto Rico might be more popular but polling on the issue is hard to come by. NBC News reported in September that a recent poll found Puerto Ricans in the domestic US were indecisively split between statehood, independence, and maintaining the island’s current status as a US possession. Although a plurality of 30 percent preferred statehood, 86 percent said they would support candidates who supported statehood. In 2017, 97 percent of voters in Puerto Rico said “yes” to statehood in a referendum, but only 23 percent of voters turned out. Several other referendums have had mixed results as well.

Next week, the island of Puerto Rico will hold a referendum on statehood on Election Day (Nov. 3 there as well as here). With the possibility of statehood looming, the outcome of that referendum will play a large role in determining the future of the island if Democrats win a decisive Senate majority. If Puerto Rico says no, the statehood movement will probably quickly end.

Both court-packing and admitting Puerto Rico to the Union would almost certainly require eliminating the filibuster. Even in the unlikely event that Democrats ran the table on vulnerable Republican Senate seats, they would fall short of a filibuster-proof majority. If the filibuster is removed, seats could be added to the Supreme Court with a simple majority of 51 Senate votes. Beyond that, a state could theoretically be admitted with a simple majority as well. The Constitution gives the Congress the power to add states to the Union with few limitations. All that is required is a federal law passed in the usual manner.

The rub will be removing the filibuster. The filibuster has long been endangered. President Trump and many Republicans wanted it eliminated just a few short years ago. So far, however, more prudent congressional leaders have realized that removing the filibuster is a double-edged sword. It would make it easier to pass legislation, but it would also make it easier for the next majority to repeal the same laws.

As far as public opinion, a Harris poll from September found that 47 percent of voters supported restrictions on use of the filibuster. The dislike of the filibuster cut across party lines with 51 percent of Democrats and 46 percent of Republicans in agreement that the delaying tactic needed reform. Those numbers will undoubtedly change if Democrats move to strike the rule and the filibuster becomes a partisan issue. The big question is where swing voters would come down on the issue.

If Democrats are smart, they would avoid divisive partisan maneuvering and instead concentrate on issues where there is broad agreement. COVID relief and safety measures would be an obvious first choice, if no such bills have passed by then. Other measures that could be taken up by a Biden Administration would be a tax increase on the wealthy, which is supported by 64 percent of voters (including 53 percent of Republicans), and an equality bill for gays and lesbians, which is supported by 72 percent. There is also broad support for reforms to combat police brutality, although not for defunding the police.

On the economy, fears of Biden recession are probably unfounded. The first years of the Trump economy were an extension of the growth that followed the end of the Great Recession. In other words, despite Obama’s faults, the Obama economy and the early Trump economy were one and the same. Biden has won the endorsement of The Economist magazine and many fiscal conservatives despite a platform that is not particularly business-friendly.  

But, as I’ve pointed out before, many of President Trump’s policies were not particularly business-friendly either. Trump simultaneous trade wars were slowing the US economy even before the pandemic, which provided him with a handy excuse for the recession that began in February. Even Trump’s victory on the USMCA created a new trade deal that was arguably worse than NAFTA in many respects and, despite the new treaty, the president has already threatened a new round of tariffs on Canada. Trump’s erratic policies made business planning difficult and his tariffs killed American export markets. If nothing else, Biden will bring stability and an end to the trade wars. Both would be a boon to the economy as would an end to the pandemic.

Biden may also repair some of the international damage done by Donald Trump. We may rejoin the World Health Organization, the Trans Pacific Partnership, and the Paris Accords. A Biden Administration would be less likely to desert allies such as the Kurds, which has undermined American credibility around the globe. NATO would breathe a sigh of relief if Trump leaves office with the alliance still intact. I’m not sure that NATO would survive another four years of Trump and other international bodies, such as the World Trade Organization, would likely be weakened as well.

There also will be no giant increase in the abortion rate under Biden. Abortions have been declining for decades regardless of whether the president is Republican or Democrat. Under Barack Obama, the US abortion rate fell below 1973 levels, even without the Supreme Court overturning of Roe v. Wade. The war against abortion is being won in the states and in the hearts of Americans, who are coming to believe that abortion is wrong even if they don’t want an outright ban. The battle against abortion is a grass roots fight for hearts rather than one that will be won by top-down edicts.    

One of my biggest concerns about a Biden Administration is gun control. A Politico/Morning Consult poll last year found that 70 percent favored a ban on “assault weapons.” That number includes 55 percent of Republicans. Republicans have staved off tighter gun control for years (not counting President Trump’s bureaucratic bump-stock ban), but a Democratic trifecta in Washington would definitely present a threat. This is especially true since the NRA has been weakened by corruption and scandal under the administration of Wayne LaPierre.

But the flip side is that Democrats will need to kill the filibuster to enact any of these proposals, much less more controversial policies such as the Green New Deal, a fracking ban, or any number of items on the progressive wish list. The catch is that, without the filibuster, it will be easier for Republicans to reverse these acts when they inevitably become the majority at some point in the future.

And what of Republican claims that Joe Biden would be a figurehead that he would be quickly replaced by Kamala Harris? First, these same Republicans were claiming that Biden was incapable of coherent thought and that he would never debate Donald Trump. We know how that turned out, so these claims are automatically suspect as well.

It is possible that the 77-year-old Biden won’t be able to complete his term, but keep in mind that Kamala Harris was one of the most overrated Democratic primary candidates and one of the first to drop out. If Harris did become president and enact radical progressive policies, that overreach would likely benefit Republicans in 2024. It goes back to the maxim that general election voters like moderates. They don’t like candidates who scare them and they don’t like candidates who betray their moderate credentials by pushing a radically partisan agenda  

The Democrats have two options. The first is that they can ram through as much of their wish list as possible as quickly as possible, public opinion be damned. In this scenario, they will likely take a “shellacking” in the 2022 elections. Republicans may win control of at least one house of Congress and then Biden will essentially be a lame duck, reduced to trying to sneak executive actions around an unfriendly Congress. This was the strategy that both Barack Obama and Donald Trump used.

The second option is to rule by consensus. The Democrats can attempt to build bipartisan coalitions to break filibusters and listen to the will of the people. This is what the Founders intended but it has been a long time since we have seen a president and Congress who have followed this model. Nevertheless, I think this is what most voters want from their government. In this scenario, they might stay in power for a long time.

I don’t know how Joe Biden will lead the country. As a conservative, I will disagree with the vast majority of proposals that he puts forward, even though I voted for him because I believe that Donald Trump has taken the country in the wrong direction. I like to use the analogy of making a wrong turn. If you keep going in the wrong direction, you will never get to where you want to go. It is painful to turn around and backtrack instead of pushing forward, but it is also necessary if you ever want to get to your destination.

 A Biden presidency may not unify the county and reduce the tensions that are simmering in America, but I do know without a doubt that a second Trump term will deepen divisions. After years of divisiveness, I want to believe Biden’s claims that he will be a president for all Americans, not just one faction. If Biden can lead Democrats in this direction, the country can benefit from his leadership even though he is a liberal. If he does not, or if congressional Democrats won’t follow his lead, Republicans will be waiting in the wings.

The First TV contributor network is a place for vibrant thought and ideas. Opinions expressed here do not necessarily reflect those of The First or The First TV. We want to foster dialogue, create conversation, and debate ideas. See something you like or don’t like? Reach out to the author or to us at ideas@thefirsttv.com.

Your candidate is not Samson, and the “other guys” are not Philistines. We cannot pull down the whole temple on top of ourselves and them, in order to somehow make justice out of a mess. This means that regardless of how the election results turn out, we must accept the results.

There’s plenty of reasons to be skeptical of the results. For example, Pennsylvania, which may be the linchpin of the whole election, if it’s close. The Keystone State may be the perfect storm of early voting, mail-in voting, restrictive laws and meddling judges. We may see a quick “victory” by Trump on election night, followed by a chip-chip-chipping away and ultimate reversal of the state by up to 22 points (!) to Biden.

Geoffrey Skelly did yeoman’s work at FiveThirtyEight explaining the scenarios:

About 2 million mail-in ballots have already been returned so far, almost one-third of the total number of votes cast in the state four years ago. But because the state can’t begin processing mail ballots until 7 a.m. on Election Day, it could be awhile before we get full results in Pennsylvania. State officials have said that it could take until Friday to finish counting most ballots. And between Tuesday and Friday, there could be a pretty big shift in terms of which party is favored in the vote tally, given that Biden supporters are far more likely to vote early or absentee than Trump supporters, who are far more likely to vote on Election Day.

Or, visually.

Next week, we may be looking at days of uncertainty. We must resist the urge to cry “foul!” or “rigged!” because the task this year is exponentially beyond and harder than anything the nation’s election apparatus has had to digest.

Or, alternatively, we could have David French’s prediction happen. It’s not only possible, it’s very probable. To quote David (and I agree here): “In short, if Trump wins, then I, David A. French, will call for a complete and total shutdown of the polling industry until we can figure out what’s going on.”

I agree because for the polls to be this wrong, once, is a black swan event. For it to happen twice, and in greater magnitude, is a failure of the system.

But just because the political polling system might be broken, America’s election system is not.

A feature of American federalism is that elections are carried out at the most atomic level. One of the most thankless positions in American government is the person who runs an election board. The position, in respect versus blame ratio, is somewhere between the sound guy at a church and a process server. When things go right, or even marginally screwed up but eventually right, the election supervisor gets no recognition, “good job” or pat on the back, just a “hmmpf.” When they go badly, oh gracious, Nelly bar the door.

Remember Brenda Snipes, the Broward County election supervisor, who resigned after accusations she, umm, had her thumb on the scales? Remember 2018, when Andrew Gillum withdrew his concession against Gov. Ron DeSantis? Did the result change? No. But Snipes was one of the casualties.

Gillum called for a Samson approach, “an uncompromised and unapologetic call that we count every single vote.” Gillum was down 34,000 votes at the time, with little chance he could win–in fact, his recount would have had to turn up 15 times the biggest swing ever recorded in a gubernatorial recount, in any state.

Echoes of 2000’s recount were heard:

“I just don’t want to do this again,” said a weary Mark Herron, one of Florida’s top election-law lawyers, who was part of former Vice President Al Gore’s recount team in 2000 vs. George W. Bush. “I just don’t wanna.”

Stacey Abrams still claims that Gov. Brian Kemp “stole” the Georgia governor election, despite winning by about 55,000 votes. Again, the biggest swing in any state governor race recount was under 3,000 votes. It’s obvious that Abrams lost, fair and square, no matter how many inconsistencies and vote irregularities exist.

The flawed reasoning behind these calls for recounts and claims of rigged elections is that if one election board, county, or municipality has a Brenda Snipes with her finger on the scales, then they all could. This is absurd.

There are 3,141 counties in America, and some states, like New Hampshire, divide voting responsibilities down to the community, with over 200 individual election supervisors and town moderators. Individual state secretaries of state and state election boards carefully draft and maintain procedures in accordance with state law on how to run elections.

The fact that when Democrats tried to run their own caucus in Iowa it became a total disaster, yet states run primary elections as regular as clockwork, with little problem (this year excepted), is proof that the task is difficult, but the machinery of our government system works very well at the atomic level.

Political polls run on very slim representations of voters, then apply statistical methods to project those results onto the electorate. Many, many assumptions are baked in to these polling results, which sometimes lead to outliers like the latest WaPo/ABC Wisconsin poll showing Biden ahead by 17 points. The pollsters running that poll apply proper statistical methodology to extrapolate their results. They earned an “A+” rating by FiveThirtyEight’s modelers. They know what they’re doing. But the results are literally unbelievable.

That has no bearing on the actual election results, which are, in fact, the best possible effort to count every single vote. And in just about all cases where it’s material to do so, they are all counted. I’d give, statistically, the American form of election machinery a “five-nines” reliability rating. That means 99.99999%, the same rating essential machinery like nuclear plants and communications systems get.

The fact is, voter fraud in America is a tiny, and rare problem. I found an academic paper, adapted from a 2003 study, that shows how rare it is. Read it if you want the truth.

Analysis of several cases of election fraud that have received significant attention in recent years suggests that some of the most notable allegations of fraud have proved to be baseless.

Donald Trump has been unfairly treated by the media. Absolutely. And the media/social media/corporate axis of tyranny positively wants Joe Biden in the White House. All true. The polls may be wrong. I’ll believe they may be, and Trump may well win.

But the election itself is gold standard. Whatever the results are, however long it takes to tabulate, whatever lawsuits, rulings, messes, and votes in limbo result, we need to work through those problems like astronauts solving technical issues in space. Work the problem, don’t throw out blame or cover your own behind.

Unfortunately, there will be overwhelming political pressure on both sides not to accept the results. There will be pressure for Biden to never concede is Trump wins in a Trumpzilla tsunami of in-person votes on Tuesday. There will be pressure for Trump to claim massive mail fraud and call the entire election into question.

Trump is not Samson. We must not pull down the whole temple of our election system, which works as the best in the world for a large, pluralist, diverse society, just because our candidate lost.

The Democrats are not Philistines, who will have their temple and god Dagon toppled in a festival of blood and death. Republicans are also not Philistines and Joe Biden owes the nation acceptance of the results, even if he loses.

If we destroy the election because we don’t like the outcome, we’ve done more damage to the nation than either candidate could ever do from the White House.

If President Trump calls for rejecting the results because he won the Election Day in person tabulations but lost the mail-in vote counted three days later, I will break from Trump and oppose him. If he lost, he lost, and he must step down.

If you’re a Biden supporter, and Biden refuses to concede, you must oppose him and force him to concede.

On January 20, either Trump or Biden will be sworn in, and that person will be president. It’s important–supremely important–to our nation, that the person taking the oath does so with the nation assured that the election, like 99.99999% of all American elections, was done according to the rules, and every vote material to the result was counted.

If in another week we are calling Joe Biden “President-Elect Joe Biden,” it’s going to be remarkably difficult to place the blame anywhere but at the feet of Donald Trump himself. Despite media bias, despite the unexpected pandemic, despite millions of dollars from Soros, Hollywood activists, and athletes, all the historical data weighed down heavily on the side of re-election.

The numbers of people saying that they were content with their lot in life were high. A record number of voters said they believed they were better off than they were four years ago. There had been no major foreign policy blunder or crisis, no new wars, a resilient bull market, and a notable rise in standard of living.

The only thing remarkably unpopular throughout the Trump term has been Trump himself. And yet, even though it would be the best thing in the world for him politically, the president seems completely incapable of letting the focus shift off of him.

That’s even more unforgivable considering who he has run against. Joe Biden has always been one of Washington, D.C.’s most comical characters. Serving for 47 years in federal office without any major or substantial success to lay claim to is quite an achievement. Biden is veritable gaffe machine, has a history of saying racist things, and is clearly struggling with a precipitous drop in mental acuity.

And, though you wouldn’t know it if watching President Trump’s debate performances or television ads, Joe Biden has made it abundantly clear that he believes he has been wrong on nearly every position he’s ever taken. Make sure you follow that – it’s not that Republicans say Biden has been wrong, it’s that Biden says he’s been wrong.

• Biden apologized for his work with segregationists on policies like busing.
• Biden apologized for writing the 1994 crime bill in which he bragged about locking the “S.O.B.s up.”
• Biden walked back his support of NAFTA, TPP, and trade normalization with China.
• Biden reversed his decades-long support for the Hyde Amendment in one day, saying “times have changed.”
• Biden backtracked on his vote for the Iraq war, bizarrely claiming his vote to authorize it was actually a vote to prevent war.
• Biden apologized for his efforts to deport illegal immigrants during his time in the Obama administration.
• Biden deflected responsibility for presiding over the construction of cages to put immigrant children separated from their families.
• Biden attempted to rewrite the history of his own reticence on the bin Laden raid.

And let’s not forget that on CBS’ “Face the Nation” program in 2019, Robert Gates, who served as Secretary of Defense for the Obama/Biden administration, was asked if Biden would make a good president. Gates noticeably paused before answering, “I don’t know.” Not exactly a ringing endorsement.

Nor was the fact that Gates went on to say that he stood by his previous conclusion that Joe Biden has, “been wrong on nearly every major foreign policy and national security issue over the past four decades.”

That would be considered an insult except for the fact that by his own admission, it seems Biden would agree. It sure seems like that would have been a good thing to talk about this campaign season.

The First TV contributor network is a place for vibrant thought and ideas. Opinions expressed here do not necessarily reflect those of The First or The First TV. We want to foster dialogue, create conversation, and debate ideas. See something you like or don’t like? Reach out to author or to us at ideas@thefirsttv.com. 

“I think the momentum’s definitely in the president’s favor,” former Congressman Dennis Ross told Mike Slater on Wednesday. “It’s a purple state but it’s been performing red,” he explained as Florida once again takes center stage in the 2020 presidential election.

Cuban-Americans may deliver the win for Trump but a ton of lawyers will be involved before it’s all said and done, Ross predicted.

“The old guard of the Cuban-Floridians are very strong in support of Trump.”

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